War’s Silent Terror: The Weaponization of Sexual Violence
- Diplomania
- Feb 16
- 9 min read
By: Pari Arora
The author is a second-year master’s student at Jindal School of International Affairs. She can be reached at 23jsia-parora@jgu.edu.in.
Introduction
“The Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC) (1998) explicitly lists sexual violence, including rape, enforced prostitution, and sexual slavery, as war crimes and crimes against humanity. Under this statute, individuals can be prosecuted for these crimes even in non-international conflicts” (The Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, 1998). Throughout history, wars have been fought with guns, tanks, bombs, but another weapon which is more insidious, more personal is sexual violence. Sexual violence in armed conflict has long been used as a deliberate strategy to demoralize and degrade opponents and, it is likely to be a premediated weapon.
“In any war, women and girls are most vulnerable. The breakdown of institutions and social networks make women and girls extremely vulnerable to sexual violence and exploitation. Sexual violence has also been used as a weapon in conflicts to humiliate, subjugate, and terrorise populations through history” (Observer Research Foundation, 2022). According to a report by Amnesty International, most survivors of sexual violence experience severe health issues, including mental health problems, and have almost no access to medical or psychosocial services. This type of violence has long last effects on survivors, communities, and societies. International law classifies these atrocities as crimes against humanity, war crimes, and sometimes acts of genocide.
Understanding Sexual Violence as a Weapon of War
Sexual violence in conflict zones is one the most painful and enduring scars of war and it is not a new phenomenon at all. Historically, rape has been used to instil fear and dehumanize enemies, but its strategic use in modern warfare has become more organized and brutal. Sexual violence is used deliberately as a weapon to terrorize and traumatize communities, break their will and leave deep psychological wounds that last for generations and erasing the cultural identity of those targeted. In cases of genocide and ethnic cleansing, sexual violence serves not only to dominate but also to alter the demographic composition of a population by forcibly impregnating women or sexually transmitted infections (STIs) like HIV or AIDS to entire communities. The survivors are left traumatized with the emotional scars, the sense of betrayal, and the loss of dignity. It is a horrifying heinous crime which targets women and children. For many survivors, the struggle to regain their sense of self and their place in society feels impossible.
Numerous conflicts throughout history offer examples of sexual violence being used as a weapon of war. During the Rwanda Genocide of 1994, between 250,000 and 500,000 women were systematically raped by Hutu militias as part of a broader strategy of genocide against the Tutsi population (Totten & Parsons, 2013). In 1947, during Indian independence at least 300,000 women were abducted and raped on both sides of the Indian-Pakistan border (Butalia, 2000). In the ongoing Russian-Ukraine conflict many women and children have been targeted, as of May 2022, about 82.4% of cases of sexual violence related to the conflict that were reported by the United Nations were alleged to have been perpetrated by Russian or Russian-aligned combatants, while about 9.25% were reported to have been committed by the Ukrainian Armed Forces or law enforcement (OHCHR, 2022).
Sudanese women from Gezira State have committed mass suicide in an act of desperation to avoid being raped by the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF). Some media sources have reported that the act was committed on 26 October by over 130 women, a number that has not yet been officially confirmed. The 18-month-long war which erupted in Khartoum is the result of the power struggle between the leaders of the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the RSF in bid to seize power in the country (Ginchuki, 2024). A report by UN women reveals that gender-based violence in Sudan has more than doubled since the war began, with the number of individuals at risk having risen from 3.1 million to 6.7 million by December 2023. The abuse extends to infants as young as seven months old and elderly women up to 75 years old. As a result of this sexual violence, many women are left with unplanned pregnancies which further complicates their lives (Ginchuki, 2024). The fact that women may view death as a better option than enduring these circumstances speaks volumes about the severity of this situation.
These examples highlight how sexual violence, in both historical and contemporary conflicts, remains a potent and devastating tool used to assert power, control, and terrorize communities on a larger scale. It serves as a grim reminder of the failure of international systems to prevent such atrocities, despite legal frameworks that define these acts as war crimes and crimes against humanity.
Case Study of the Rwandan Genocide
“The Rwandan Genocide occurred over 100 days between April and July 1994, during which an estimated 800,000 ethnic Tutsi and moderate Hutu were brutally murdered by extremist Hutu militias. The scale and brutality of the genocide caused shock worldwide, but no country intervened to forcefully stop the killings. Most of the victims were killed in their own villages or towns, many by their neighbours and fellow villagers. Hutu gangs searched out victims hiding in churches and school buildings. The militia murdered victims with machetes and rifles. Sexual violence was rife, with an estimated 250,000 to 500,000 women raped during the genocide”. International intervention was largely absent for a number of reasons, these included the international community's hesitancy to get involved in what was seen as a domestic dispute, the major nations' lack of political will and interest, and the time's preponderance of other international concerns. Any meaningful involvement was further hampered by the UN's peacekeeping force's understaffing and unclear mission. The genocide left really deep scars, leading to trails and reconciliation efforts in its aftermath. This violence was part of a broader strategy to terrorize, degrade, and destroy the Tutsi population.
The scale and nature of sexual violence was very high, estimate 250,000 and 500,000 women and girls were raped during the genocide. Women were gang-raped by soldiers, militia members, and civilians. Victims were often publicly raped to humiliate the communities. Many women were subjected to extreme forms of sexual violence, including mutilation of their sexual organs with weapons like guns, sticks, and machetes. Hutu militias purposely spread HIV/AIDS by raping Tutsi women (Global Justice Center, 2018). Many Tutsi women were also used as sexual slaves by the military forces, these women were held captive and raped repeatedly. Women were raped with the explicit to impregnate them, and the children born of these rapes were seen as a continuation of ethnic cleansing as Hutu rapists believed that these children would carry Hutu lineage. The conflict resulted in an estimated 2,000 to 10,000 war babies being born as a result of forced impregnation (The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, 1998, as cited in “Rape during the Rwanda Genocide”). “The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) handed down the first conviction for the use of rape as a weapon of war during the civil conflict, and, because the intent of the mass violence against Rwandan women and children was to destroy, in whole or in part, a particular ethnic group, it was the first time that mass rape during wartime was found to be an act of genocidal rape” (The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, 1998, as cited in “Rape during the Rwanda Genocide”).
The effects of this sexual violence were extremely devastating and long-lasting. Victims suffered physical injuries, including damaged reproductive systems. The use of weapons caused life-threatening injuries. The rape survivors were rejected by their families and communities, they confronted deep shame and isolation, and were often branded as “damaged” and “impure”. Many suffered from post-traumatic stress disorder, depression, and even suicidal tendencies. The Tutsi women were targeted since they were seen to carry the Tutsi lineage. Training of their Hutu militias was oriented around the schema of a genocidal campaign. Encouragement of rape was part of the ethnic cleansing. The international community was unable to do anything much then during the genocide. The echoes of sexual violence that occurred during the Rwandan genocide in 1994 have continued to date, and the scars of the conflict have remained poignant.
The Rwandan Genocide’s impacts, particularly in terms of sexual violence, show just how devastating conflicts can be and how international intervention often falls short. Similar examples today such as ongoing abuses in Haiti, Sudan, and Gaza reveal stark contrasts between pledges of protection and lack of meaningful action. In Haiti, peacekeepers were implicated in sexual exploitation, yet faced little accountability. In Gaza, efforts to investigate Israeli actions have been stifled, exemplified by an Israeli soldier’s public admission of assault without facing consequence. Even in places like Kashmir, where tensions have persisted, the legacy of incidents like Kunan Poshpora serves as a stark reminder of how sexual violence has been used as a weapon of war, with limited efforts to address the trauma or ensure justice. These cases highlight how authorities have failed to stop the cycle of abuse and the neglection of governments confronting sexual violence as a weapon of war.
Post-Conflict Recovery and Strategies for Prevention
In order to support victims of sexual violence in conflict zones, both short-term rehabilitation programs and long-term preventive measures are required. There should be a survivor-focused approach which helps them both physically and psychologically. Governments, international agencies, and non-governmental organizations should work towards providing trauma treatment and counselling. There have been both achievements and setbacks in government and international initiatives to assist victims of sexual assault in conflict areas. For example, the government of Germany has received praise for its long-term rehabilitation programs, financing trauma care, and taking a strong stand against sexual abuse. However, major failings are highlighted by government inaction in locations like Haiti where abuses were committed by peacekeepers. The fact that the offenders in this case were frequently sent back home without being prosecuted exposed the weaknesses in the accountability systems.
This inaction feeds the cycle of violence and has left survivors vulnerable. They are essential in assisting survivors in starting over in life. Stronger legislation, accountability, and education can be used to prevent future acts of violence, break the cycle of violence, and provide survivors with a dignified and just healing process. For prevention. UN Peacekeeping forces need stronger mandates, including gender-sensitive training to handle sexual violence victims in conflict zones. Serious flaws in the UN and international institutions are highlighted by the failure to prevent and resolve sexual abuse in conflict areas, like Haiti. For example, when UN forces in Haiti were found to have engaged in child sexual abuse, they were simply returned to their home nations without being held accountable. The gaps in peacekeeping missions and the inadequate steps taken to protect vulnerable populations are best illustrated by this lack of accountability and transparency. Such setbacks erode international confidence in the potential to stop sexual abuse in conflict areas and call for more robust and efficient action from all parties. Accountability measures are important which should ensure that victims face justice while promoting a zero-tolerance approach, and collaborative global efforts are necessary to reduce the use of sexual violence as a weapon of war.
There is a need for strengthening legal frameworks to reinforce international laws that criminalize sexual violence as both a war crime and a crime against humanity. In addition to legal measures, peacekeepers should be trained to take proper care of victims, gender-sensitive training will ensure their preparedness to protect civilians and preserve the dignity of victims. This would create a safe space for survivors at the community level, amidst widespread social stigma attached to sexual violence. The social stigma surrounding sexual violence is not confined to developing nations, but is a global issue present in many societies. A telling example comes from Sweden, which, despite its progressive reputation on gender equality, has seen instances where victims of sexual violence face shame and public scrutiny. In 2015, a prominent case of gang rape highlighted how even in such societies, survivors often receive victim-blaming, where they are questioned about their behavior or attire. This reveals the pervasive backward thinking ingrained in various cultures, hindering the healing process for survivors.
Support networks should be established for mental health and victim empowerment and accountability measures should be instituted properly. Education for communities forms one of the most important measures for both pre-conflict and post-conflict situations of prevention and addressing full occurrences of sexual violence.
Conclusion
Sexual violence during wars leaves deep emotional and physical scars, tearing apart the lives of survivors and their communities. It is not just a brutal tactic of war but a profound violation of human dignity. The path to healing involves much more than legal justice, survivors need care, empathy, and spaces to rebuild their lives and get their dignity back rightfully. It is crucial to prevent future atrocities by educating peacekeepers and empowering communities. By addressing both recovery and prevention, we can work together towards a future where sexual violence can be eradicated. As a global society, we must act with compassion and ensure that survivors are supported, and perpetrators are held accountable, to create a safer and a more just world.
References
The Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. (1998). United Nations. https://legal.un.org/icc/statute/romefra.htm
Observer Research Foundation. (2022). Sexual violence as a weapon of war. ORF. https://www.orfonline.org/expert-speak/sexual-violence-as-a-weapon-of-war
Amnesty International. Survivors of sexual violence face severe health challenges. Amnesty International. https://www.amnesty.org
Totten, S., & Parsons, W. S. (Eds.). (2013). Centuries of genocide: Essays and eyewitness accounts. (4thed.) Routledge. https://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/edit/10.4324/9780203867815/centuries-genocide-samuel-totten-william-parsons
Butalia, U. (2000). The other side of silence: Voices from the partition of India. Duke University Press. Retrieved from https://apnaorg.com/books/english/the-other-side-of-silence-voices-from-the-partition-of-india/the-other-side-of-silence-voices-from-the-partition-of-india.pdf
OHCHR. (2022). OHCHR | The situation of human rights in Ukraine in the context of the armed attack by the Russian Federation, 24 February to 15 May 2022.
Global Justice Center. (2018). The Rwandan Genocide: Rape and HIV used as weapons of war. Global Justice Center. https://www.globaljusticecenter.net/the-rwandan-genocide-rape-and-hiv-used-as-weapons-of-war/
Gichuki, L. (2024, November 14). Sudanese women turn to mass suicide to escape rape by militia. DevelopmentAid. https://www.developmentaid.org/news-stream/post/187612/sudanese-women-turn-to-mass-suicide
The views expressed in this article are those of the author (s). They do not reflect the views or opinions of Diplomania or its members.
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